Robert Bork, fully Robert Heron Bork

Bork, fully Robert Heron Bork

American Judge, Supreme Court Nominee, Legal Scholar, Professor of Law at Yale University, Author

Author Quotes

I don't think the Constitution is studied almost anywhere, including law schools. In law schools, what they study is what the court said about the Constitution. They study the opinions. They don't study the Constitution itself.

How did Taney know that slave ownership was a constitutional right? Such a right is nowhere to be found in the Constitution. He knew it because he was passionately convinced that it must be a constitutional right.

Confirm a nominee with no visible judicial philosophy who lacks the basic skills of persuasive argument and clear writing.

Consumers will benefit from multiple sources of innovation.

Everybody else I've talked to ranges between disapproval and outrage.

Being 'at the mercy of legislative majorities' is merely another way of describing the basic American plan: representative democracy.

By depriving the charged person of any defenses [the rulings] mean that sexual dalliance, however voluntarily engaged in, becomes harassment whenever an employee sees fit, after the fact, so to characterize it.

As I understand it, you can get marijuana whether or not you're really sick at all, ... Whether or not it really helps with pain or illness, effectively it's the legalization of marijuana.

Be indifferent, if not actively hostile, to conservative values.

Americans revere both the Constitution and an independent Court that applies the document's provisions. The Court has done many excellent things in our history, and few people are willing to see its power broken. The difficulty with all proposals to respond to the Court when it behaves unconstitutionally is that they would create a power to destroy the Court's essential work as well.

An egalitarian educational system is necessarily opposed to meritocracy and reward for achievement. It is inevitably opposed to procedures that might reveal differing levels of achievement.

As government regulations grow slowly, we become used to the harness. Habit is a powerful force, and we no longer feel as intensely as we once would have [the] constriction of our liberties that would have been utterly intolerable a mere half century ago.

A society deadened by a smothering network of laws while finding release in moral chaos is not likely to be either happy or stable.

A constitutional right . . . and once homosexuality is defined as a constitutional right, there is nothing the states can do about it, nothing the people can do about it.

[Law is] vulnerable to the winds of intellectual or moral fashion, which it then validates as the commands of our most basic concept.

When Americans are morally divided, it is appropriate that our laws reflect that fact... Our popular institutions, the legislative and executive branches, were structured to provide safety to achieve compromise when we are divided, to slow change, to dilute absolutisms... They are designed, in short, to do the very things that abstract generalizations about moral principles and the just society tend to bring into contempt.

In the past few decades American institutions have struggled with the temptations of politics. Professions and academic disciplines that once possessed a life and structure of their own have steadily succumbed, in some cases almost entirely, to the belief that nothing matters beyond politically desirable results, however achieved.

Author Picture
First Name
Last Name
Bork, fully Robert Heron Bork
Birth Date
Death Date

American Judge, Supreme Court Nominee, Legal Scholar, Professor of Law at Yale University, Author